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Estimates are primarily gleaned from the latest U.S. Census Bureau and CIA World Factbook population data in conjunction with 2018 murder figures, reported by large U.S. cities with a population higher than 100,000 and foreign governments.
In 2018, the murder rate was higher in St. Louis (61 per 100,000) than in El Salvador (54 per 100,000) and Honduras (36 per 100,000).
In Baltimore, the homicide rate of 51 per 100,000 residents was higher than Honduras and nearly the same as in El Salvador.
According to various estimates, El Salvador (3,340), and Honduras (3,310) are among the deadliest in Latin America, a phenomenon that has triggered an exodus of migrants to the U.S. borders who cite violence at home as the main reason for leaving.
The center reported:
The 2018 murder rate in the 30 largest cities is estimated to decline by nearly 6 percent. Large decreases this year in Chicago and San Francisco, as well as moderate decreases in other cities such as Baltimore, contributed to this decline.
Some cities are projected to see their murder rates rise, including Washington, D.C. (by 39.5 percent), and Houston (by 22.6 percent). Further study is needed to better understand the causes of these rises.
Per sheer numbers, the top five deadliest U.S. cities in 2018 were Chicago (561), Philadelphia (351), Baltimore (309), New York (289), and Houston (280).
In Baltimore, the majority (175) of murder victims were shot in the head, the Baltimore Sun reported.
Some assessments have deemed Venezuela, El Salvador, and Honduras the most violent countries in Latin America.
Adversity temporarily visits a strong man but stays with the weak for a lifetime.
Estimates are primarily gleaned from the latest U.S. Census Bureau and CIA World Factbook population data in conjunction with 2018 murder figures, reported by large U.S. cities with a population higher than 100,000 and foreign governments.
In 2018, the murder rate was higher in St. Louis (61 per 100,000) than in El Salvador (54 per 100,000) and Honduras (36 per 100,000).
In Baltimore, the homicide rate of 51 per 100,000 residents was higher than Honduras and nearly the same as in El Salvador.
According to various estimates, El Salvador (3,340), and Honduras (3,310) are among the deadliest in Latin America, a phenomenon that has triggered an exodus of migrants to the U.S. borders who cite violence at home as the main reason for leaving.
The center reported:
The 2018 murder rate in the 30 largest cities is estimated to decline by nearly 6 percent. Large decreases this year in Chicago and San Francisco, as well as moderate decreases in other cities such as Baltimore, contributed to this decline.
Some cities are projected to see their murder rates rise, including Washington, D.C. (by 39.5 percent), and Houston (by 22.6 percent). Further study is needed to better understand the causes of these rises.
Per sheer numbers, the top five deadliest U.S. cities in 2018 were Chicago (561), Philadelphia (351), Baltimore (309), New York (289), and Houston (280).
In Baltimore, the majority (175) of murder victims were shot in the head, the Baltimore Sun reported.
Some assessments have deemed Venezuela, El Salvador, and Honduras the most violent countries in Latin America.
I knew that New Orleans had to be on the list. There are parts of New Orleans that are downright scary. I promise you that no white person would walk down the street at night and come out alive.
Adversity temporarily visits a strong man but stays with the weak for a lifetime.
Starting April 1, you may be able to get more savings and lower costs on Marketplace health insurance coverage due to the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021. Under the new law:
Starting April 1, you may be able to get more savings and lower costs on Marketplace health insurance coverage due to the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021. Under the new law:
Four Members Of Toledo City Council, All Democrats, Accused of Accepting Bribes In Exchange for Votes
Four members of the Toledo City Council, all Democrats, have been arrested and charged with allegedly accepting bribes in exchange for their votes.
All four were charged with bribery in connection to programs receiving federal funds and extortion under the Hobbs Act.
Eric Smith, the special agent in charge of the Cleveland field office, said the investigation began back in 2018 when the FBI was notified that several council members had been soliciting and accepting cash bribes from business owners in exchange for council votes.
Over the course of two years, Smith said the federal investigation yielded recordings, surveillance, and financial records that implicated the four members in the bribery scheme.
The bribery charge carries a sentence of up to 10 years in prison while the extortion charge carries a sentence of up to 20 years.
Court documents show that the council members accepted thousands of dollars in bribes.
Councilwoman Harper was additionally charged for having a local attorney, Keith Mitchell, solicit bribes on her behalf. Mitchell was also charged.
Adversity temporarily visits a strong man but stays with the weak for a lifetime.
The newest ruling out of the Sixth Circuit, however, grants the movant, Gun Owners of America, a preliminary injunctionsaidhowChevronUnited States v. Apel nevercriminal statute is entitled to anywhowhatChevron
South Dakota Governor Signs Bills to Protect Gun Rights
Republican South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem signed into law three bills concerning gun ownership and the use of deadly force earlier this week, fortifying Second Amendment
Here's why voting rights activists say Georgia's new election law targets Black voters
By Fredreka Schouten, CNN
Updated 8:22 PM EDT, Fri March 26, 2021
(CNN)Republicans in Georgia on Thursday passed a far-reaching overhaul of the state's election laws that voting rights groups say will target the Black residents who make up roughly a third of the state's population.
African Americans in Georgia proved crucial to recent Democratic victories, helping the party win the White House and seize the majority in the US Senate. Exit polls show 88% of the Black electorate supported President Joe Biden last November. And in January, Democratic Sens. Jon Ossoff and Raphael Warnock saw even bigger support, capturing 92% and 93% of the Black vote in their runoff elections, respectively.
Here are several provisions of the new law that voting rights activists argue could harm Black Georgians and other voters of color in the state:
Identification for absentee voting
In last year's general election, a record 1.3 million Georgians -- or more than a quarter of the 2020 electorate -- voted absentee amid the coronavirus pandemic. And a greater share of Black Georgians than White residents cast their ballots remotely.
The new law does away with signature matching to identify voters who cast absentee ballots. Instead, voters requesting an absentee ballot now will have to provide the number of their Georgia's driver's license number or state identification, along with other identifying information such as their date of birth. Those who lack those forms of identification can submit copies of other paperwork, such as a copy of a bank statement or a current utility bill.
Voting rights groups say the new requirements erect too many barriers.
In all, about 200,000 Georgians lack a driver's license or state identification card, state figures show. And a lawsuit challenging the Georgia law filed Thursday night on behalf of three voting rights groups -- The New Georgia Project, Black Voters Matter Fund and Rise, Inc. -- argues that Black voters are less likely than other voters to have the identification now required.
Long lines
During last June's primary, some voters stood for hours in the Georgia heat to cast their ballots, and voting stretched on for hours after polls were supposed to close.
An analysis of data collected by Georgia Public Broadcasting and ProPublica found a significant disparity in who had to wait the longest: The average wait time after the 7 p.m. scheduled poll-closing time was 51 minutes in polling places that were 90% or more non-White. But it was just six minutes in polling places where 90% of the voters were White.
Voting rights advocates say that makes it all the more troubling that Georgia's law now makes it a misdemeanor to approach a voter in line to provide food or water.
Provisional ballots
Previously Georgia voters could cast provisional ballots if they showed up at the wrong precinct, and their votes still would count once the board of elections determined that they had cast their ballots in the right county.
The new law tosses out all out-of-precinct votes cast before 5 p.m.
The lawsuit brought by the voting rights groups argues that Black voters are more likely than White voters to move frequently. As a result, they are more likely to change precincts and show up at the wrong one on Election Day, activists argue.
Bans mobile units
Fulton County, where roughly 45% of the population is African American, bought RV-sized mobile voting units to encourage early voting and reduce long lines on Election Day.
The law now bans their use.
Voting hours and drop boxes
The law now requires officials to house drop boxes for absentee ballots inside early voting locations, which limits their usefulness. The law also specifies that early voting hours must run from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m., but it gives county registrars the flexibility to extend hours to 7 a.m. to 7 p.m.
Voting advocates argue that Black voters are more likely to work multiple jobs than Georgians of other races and limiting their access to drop boxes closes off yet another avenue to the franchise.
Voter challenges
The law says any Georgian can challenge the voting eligibility of an unlimited number of voters. Activists say this will make it to easier for conservative groups to attempt to purge large groups of Black voters or others they think will support Democrats.
The NAACP Legal Defense Fund argues it could lead to "unchecked voter intimidation."
Attempts to challenge voters' eligibility are not new. Ahead of January US Senate runoffs, Texas-based conservative organization True the Vote paired up with the Georgia Republican Party and tried to challenge more than 360,000 Georgia voters that it said may have changed addresses. Most counties declined to take up the matter.
Georgia's law adds a new provision that allows the State Elections Board to sanction counties that refuse to comply with the provision allowing unlimited challenges.
Here's why voting rights activists say Georgia's new election law targets Black voters
By Fredreka Schouten, CNN
Updated 8:22 PM EDT, Fri March 26, 2021
(CNN)Republicans in Georgia on Thursday passed a far-reaching overhaul of the state's election laws that voting rights groups say will target the Black residents who make up roughly a third of the state's population.
African Americans in Georgia proved crucial to recent Democratic victories, helping the party win the White House and seize the majority in the US Senate. Exit polls show 88% of the Black electorate supported President Joe Biden last November. And in January, Democratic Sens. Jon Ossoff and Raphael Warnock saw even bigger support, capturing 92% and 93% of the Black vote in their runoff elections, respectively.
Here are several provisions of the new law that voting rights activists argue could harm Black Georgians and other voters of color in the state:
Identification for absentee voting
In last year's general election, a record 1.3 million Georgians -- or more than a quarter of the 2020 electorate -- voted absentee amid the coronavirus pandemic. And a greater share of Black Georgians than White residents cast their ballots remotely.
The new law does away with signature matching to identify voters who cast absentee ballots. Instead, voters requesting an absentee ballot now will have to provide the number of their Georgia's driver's license number or state identification, along with other identifying information such as their date of birth. Those who lack those forms of identification can submit copies of other paperwork, such as a copy of a bank statement or a current utility bill.
Voting rights groups say the new requirements erect too many barriers.
In all, about 200,000 Georgians lack a driver's license or state identification card, state figures show. And a lawsuit challenging the Georgia law filed Thursday night on behalf of three voting rights groups -- The New Georgia Project, Black Voters Matter Fund and Rise, Inc. -- argues that Black voters are less likely than other voters to have the identification now required.
Long lines
During last June's primary, some voters stood for hours in the Georgia heat to cast their ballots, and voting stretched on for hours after polls were supposed to close.
An analysis of data collected by Georgia Public Broadcasting and ProPublica found a significant disparity in who had to wait the longest: The average wait time after the 7 p.m. scheduled poll-closing time was 51 minutes in polling places that were 90% or more non-White. But it was just six minutes in polling places where 90% of the voters were White.
Voting rights advocates say that makes it all the more troubling that Georgia's law now makes it a misdemeanor to approach a voter in line to provide food or water.
Provisional ballots
Previously Georgia voters could cast provisional ballots if they showed up at the wrong precinct, and their votes still would count once the board of elections determined that they had cast their ballots in the right county.
The new law tosses out all out-of-precinct votes cast before 5 p.m.
The lawsuit brought by the voting rights groups argues that Black voters are more likely than White voters to move frequently. As a result, they are more likely to change precincts and show up at the wrong one on Election Day, activists argue.
Bans mobile units
Fulton County, where roughly 45% of the population is African American, bought RV-sized mobile voting units to encourage early voting and reduce long lines on Election Day.
The law now bans their use.
Voting hours and drop boxes
The law now requires officials to house drop boxes for absentee ballots inside early voting locations, which limits their usefulness. The law also specifies that early voting hours must run from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m., but it gives county registrars the flexibility to extend hours to 7 a.m. to 7 p.m.
Voting advocates argue that Black voters are more likely to work multiple jobs than Georgians of other races and limiting their access to drop boxes closes off yet another avenue to the franchise.
Voter challenges
The law says any Georgian can challenge the voting eligibility of an unlimited number of voters. Activists say this will make it to easier for conservative groups to attempt to purge large groups of Black voters or others they think will support Democrats.
The NAACP Legal Defense Fund argues it could lead to "unchecked voter intimidation."
Attempts to challenge voters' eligibility are not new. Ahead of January US Senate runoffs, Texas-based conservative organization True the Vote paired up with the Georgia Republican Party and tried to challenge more than 360,000 Georgia voters that it said may have changed addresses. Most counties declined to take up the matter.
Georgia's law adds a new provision that allows the State Elections Board to sanction counties that refuse to comply with the provision allowing unlimited challenges.
White liberals must think black people are too stupid to get an I.D. I've found that white liberals are among the most racist folks in the world.
Adversity temporarily visits a strong man but stays with the weak for a lifetime.
Poll: Sixty-nine percent of black voters and 75% overall support voter ID laws
New polling shows that a large majority supports voter ID laws that require individuals to show a photo identification before voting, including almost 70% of black voters.
The poll, released on Wednesday by Rasmussen Reports, found that 75% believe photo identification should be presented before voting and that 69% of black voters support voter ID laws.
Broken down by party, 60% of Democrats support showing an ID to vote compared to 89% of Republicans.
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