Let the truth be known

[BillyCarpenter]

Re: Let the truth be known

Here YOU Go

https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/...rt_volume5.pdf

Okay, I read it. It said Trump was the best president ever and he didn't use Russian propaganda.

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Re: Let the truth be known

Okay, I read it. It said Trump was the best president ever and he didn't use Russian propaganda.

BaHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHH

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Re: Let the truth be known

The Committee found that the Russian government engaged in an aggressive, multifaceted effort to influence, or attempt to influence, the outcome of the 2016 presidential election.
Parts of this effort are outlined in the Committee's earlier volumes on election security, social
media, the Obama Administration's response to the threat, and the January 2017 Intelligence
Community Assessment (ICA).



(U) The fifth and final volume focuses on the counterintelligence threat, outlining a wide
range of Russian efforts to influence the Trump Campaign and the 2016 election. In this volume
the Committee lays out its findings in detail by looking at many aspects of the
counterintelligence threat posed by the Russian influence operation. For example, the
Committee examined Paul Manafort' s connections to Russian influence actors and the FBI' s
treatment of reporting produced by Christopher Steele. While the Committee does not describe
the final result as a complete picture, this volume provides the most comprehensive description
to date of Russia's activities and the threat they posed. This volume presents this information in
topical sections in order to address coherently and in detail the wide variety of Russian actions.
The events explained in these sections in many cases overlap, and references in each section will
direct the reader to those overlapping parts of the volume. Immediately below is a summary of
key findings from several sections.

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Re: Let the truth be known

Paul Manafort's connections to Russia and Ukraine began in approximately late
2004 with the start of his work for Oleg Deripaska and other Russia-aligned oligarchs in
Ukraine. The Committee found that Deripaska conducts influence operations, frequently in
countries where he has a significant economic interest. The Russian government coordinates
with and directs Deripaska on many of his influence operations.
(U) From approximately 2004 to 2009, Manafort implemented these influence operations
on behalf ofDeripaska, including a broad, multi-million dollar political influence campaign
directed at numerous countries of interest to Deripaska and the Russian government. ProRussian Ukrainian oligarchs with deep economic ties to Russia also paid Manafort tens of
millions of dollars and formed strong ties with Manafort independent of Deripaska.
(U) Manafort hired and worked increasingly closely with a Russian national, Konstantin
Kilimnik. Kilimnik is a Russian intelligence officer. Kilimnik became an integral part of
Manafort's operations in Ukraine and Russia, serving as Manafort's primary liaison to Deripaska
and eventually managing Manafort's office in Kyiv. Kilimnik and Manafort formed a close and
lasting relationship that endured to the 2016 U.S. elections. and beyond.
(U) Prior to joining the Trump Campaign in March 2016 and continuing throughout his
time 6n the Campaign, Manafort directly and indirectly communicated with Kilimnik, Deripaska,
and the pro-Russian oligarchs in Ukraine. On numerous occasions, Manafort sought to secretly
share internal Campaign information with Kilimnik. The Committee was unable to reliably
determine why Manafort shared sensitive internal polling data or Campaign strategy with
Kilimnik or with whom Kilimnik further shared that information. The Committee had limited
insight into Kilimnik's communications with Manafort and into Kilimnik's communications with
other individuals connected to Russian influence operations, all of whom used communications
security practices. The Committee obtained some information suggesting Kilimnik may have
been connected to the GRU's hack and leak operation targeting the 2016 U.S. election.
until
Beginning while he was Campaign chairman and continuing
sed with Kilimnik a eace lan for eastern Ukraine that
After the election, Manafort continued to coordinate with
Russian persons, particularly Kilimnik and other individuals close to Deripaska, in an effort to
undertake activities on their behalf. Manafort worked with Kilimnik starting in 2016 on
narratives that sou ht to undermine evidence that Russia interfered in .the 2016 U.S.
election.
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(U) The Committee found that Manafort's presence on the Campaign at;td proximity to
Trump created opportunities for Russian intelligence services to exert influence over, and
acquire confidential information on, the Trump Campaign. Taken as a whole, Manafort's highlevel access and willingness to share information with individuals closely affiliated with the
Russian intelligence services, particularly Kilimnik and associates of Oleg Deripaska,
represented a grave counterintelligence threat.

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Re: Let the truth be known

The Committee found that Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered the Russian
effort to hack computer networks and accounts affiliated with the Democratic Party and leak
information damaging to Hillary Clinton and her campaign for president. Moscow's intent was
to harm the Clinton Campaign, tarnish an expected Clinton presidential administration, help the
Trump Campaign after Trump became the presumptive Republican nominee, and undermine the
U.S. democratic process.
-WikiLeaks actively sought, and played, a key role in the Russian
influen~ery likely knew it was assistin a Russian intelli ence influence
effort. The Committee found si nificant indications tha
At the time of the
first WikiLeaks releases, the U.S. Government had not yet declared WikiLeaks a hostile
organization and many treated itas a journalistic entity

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Re: Let the truth be known

While the GRU and WikiLeaks were releasing hacked documents, the Trump
Campaign sought to maximize the impact of those leaks to aid Trump's electoral
prospects. Staff on the Trump Campaign sought advance notice about WikiLeaks releases,
created messaging strategies to promote and share the materials in anticipation of and following
thdr release, and encouraged further leaks. The Trump Campaign publicly undermined the
attribution of the hack-and-leak campaign to Russia and was indifferent to whether it and
WikiLeaks were furthering a Russian election interference effort. The Committee found no
evidence that Campaign officials received an authoritative government notification that the hack
was perpetrated by the Russian government before October 7, 2016, when the ODNI and DHS
issued a joint statement to that effect. However, the Campaign was aware of the extensive media
reporting and other private sector attribution of the hack to Russian actors prior to that point.
(U) Trump and senior Campaign offici.als sought to obtain advance information about
WikiLeaks's planned releases through Roger Stone. At their direction, Stone took action to gain
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inside knowledge for the Campaign and shared his purported knowledge directly with Trump
and senior Campaign offictals on multiple occasions. Trump and the Campaign believed that
Stone had inside information and expressed satisfaction that Stone's information suggested more
releases would be forthcoming. The Committee could not reliably determine the extent.of
authentic, non-public knowledge about WikiLeaks that Stone obtained and shared with the
Campaign.

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Re: Let the truth be known

George Papadopoulos joined the Trump Campaign as part of a foreign policy
advisory team created to blunt criticism that the Campaign lacked foreign policy advisors.
Although Papadopoulos had limited-if any-influence on the Campaign's policies, he parlayed .
his association with the Trump Campaign to attempt to establish ties with foreign capitals as well
as advance his personal goals of having increased influence in foreign energy circles. Despite
efforts by certain individuals to remove him from the Campaign, Papadopoulos continued to
assert his affiliation with the Campaign and remained in contact with senior staff such as Stephen
Bannon and Michael Flynn.
(U) The Committee found George. Papadopoulos used multiple avenues to pursue a faceto-face meeting between Trump and President Putin. Papadopoulos believed that he was
operating with the approval-or at least not the explicit disapproval-of Campaign leadership,
who he kept apprised of his efforts. Papadopoulos never successfully scheduled a meeting
between Putin and Trump.
(U) The Committee further found that Papadopoulos' s efforts introduced him to several
individuals that raise counterintelligence concerns, due to their associations with individ4als
from hostile foreign governments as well as actions these individuals undertook. The Committee
assesses that Papadopoulos was not a witting cooptee of the Russian intelligence services, but
nonetheless presented a prime intelligence target and potential vector for malign Russian
influence.
(U) The Committee found evidence that Papadopoulos likely learned about the Russian
active measures campaign as early as April 2016 from Joseph Mifsud, a Maltese academic with
longstanding Russia ties, well before any public awareness of the Russian effort. The Committee
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COMMITTEE SENSITIVE - RUSSIA INVESTIGATION ONLY
further found Papadopoulos communicated the information he learned from Mifsud to a~ least
two separate foreign governments. The Committee could not determine if Papadopoulos
informed anyone on the Trump Campaign of the information, though the Committee finds it
implausible that Papadopoulos did not do so.

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[BillyCarpenter]

Re: Let the truth be known

Pro Tip: Hacked Emails aren't propaganda. They are actual emails. Hillary should haven't gotten hidden server out of the bathroom. Her fault they got hacked.

[bsm2]

Re: Let the truth be known

Pro Tip: Hacked Emails aren't propaganda. They are actual emails. Hillary should haven't gotten hidden server out of the bathroom. Her fault they got hacked.

Wrong targeted by the Russians

Keep reading

[bsm2]

Re: Let the truth be known

Trump's Foreign Policy Speech at the Mayflower Hotel
(U) The Committee found no evidence that anyone associated with the Trump Campaign
had any substantive private conversations with Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak during the
April 27, 2016, Trump speech held at the Mayflower J-iotel. Although Kislyak did meet Trump
and other senior officials associated with the Campaign, these short interactions consisted of
general statements about improved relations with Russia. As the first major foreign policy
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speech by the candidate, the event drew wide but typical attention, including' by the Russian
ambassador.

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[bsm2]

Re: Let the truth be known

Transition
(U) Russia took advantage of members of the Transition Team's relative inexperience in
government, opposition to Obama Administration policies, arid Trump's desire to deepen ties
with Russia to pursue unofficial channels through which Russia could conduct
diplomacy. Russia was not alone in these efforts-U .S. allies and adversaries also sought
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inroads with the Transition. The existence of a cadre of informal advisors to the Transition
Team with varying levels of access to the President-elect and varying awareness of foreign
affairs presented attractive targets for foreign influence, creating notable counterintelligence
vulnerabilities. The lack of vetting of foreign interactions by Transition officials left the
Transition open to influence and manipulation by foreign intelligence services, government
officials, and co-opted business executives.
(U) The Transition Team repeatedly took actions that had the potential, and sometimes
the effect, of interfering in the Obama Administration's diplomatic efforts. This created
confusion among U.S. allies and other world leaders, most notably surrounding negotiations over
a UN Security Council Resolution on Israel. Russia may have deferred response to the sanctions
the Obama Administration put in place in late December because of Flynn's intervention and
promise of a new relationship with the Trump administration.
(U) Also during the transition, several Russian actors not formally associated with the
Russian Government attempted to establish contact with senior members of the Transition Team.
In mid-December, Sergey Gorkov, the head of a U.S. sanctioned Russian bank, met with Jared
Kushner and discussed diplomatic relations. Kirill Dmitriev, the CEO ofU.S.-sanctioned
Russian Direct Investment Fund, used multiple business contacts to try to make inroads with
Transition Team officials. One such contact was Rick Gerson, a hedge fund manager and friend
of Kushner's. Gerson and Dmitriev constructed a five-point plan on how to improve relations
between Russia and the U.S. and presented it to the Transition Team and the Kremlin,
respectively. Dmitriev also made contact with Erik Prince, who passed on the contents of the
discussions to Steve Bannon. Separately, Bob Foresman, an American businessman living in
Moscow who sought a position in the Trump Administration, conveyed brief messages between
the Trump Campaign and several Kremlin-linked individuals, including Putin confidant Matthias
Wamig, and provided other information relating to the U.S.-Russia relationship during the
Transition.